Thursday, February 3
EU's Green Investment Controversy
Defining nuclear and gas as sustainable has led to calls of greenwashing, threats of legal action from some EU countries and a lot of column inches dedicated to the obscurely titled 'taxonomy' system.
But what is all the fuss about?
On Wednesday, the European Commission is set to sign off on its latest plans for the EU’s taxonomy labelling system, which helps private investors identify which energy investments are sustainable.
The aim is to direct money into sustainable energy sources and help the bloc achieve its ambitious plan of being carbon neutral by 2050.
The current proposal has caused a stir by labelling nuclear and gas as sustainable sources of energy, something that has caused outrage from green activists and organisations.
When the Commission adopts the act, the Parliament and Council will have two months to raise any objections. Failing this, it will enter into force.
A majority of MEPs or 20 out of 27 member states could block the plans, but before that happens the arguments for and against marking the two energy sources as sustainable will have to be laid out.
Nuclear energy
For many, nuclear represents the perfect opportunity to maximise energy output, while minimising carbon emissions. For others, it symbolises just another environmental problem, with a solution to the disposal of radioactive waste yet to be found.
For French MEP Christophe Grudler, there is no other alternative but to include nuclear energy as a sustainable source.
“If we want to meet the Green Deal goals, we have no choice. We have to include nuclear in the taxonomy,” Grudler told Euronews.
“The question is, do we want to meet the Green Deal goals? If we want to do it, we need decarbonised energy, like nuclear. The Commission said we need around 15% of nuclear in the energy mix in 2050 to meet the goal.”
On nuclear waste, the European lawmaker – who is member of French President Emmanuel Macron’s ‘La République En Marche!’ party – says people are working hard to find an answer to the problem. READ MORE...
For many, nuclear represents the perfect opportunity to maximise energy output, while minimising carbon emissions. For others, it symbolises just another environmental problem, with a solution to the disposal of radioactive waste yet to be found.
For French MEP Christophe Grudler, there is no other alternative but to include nuclear energy as a sustainable source.
“If we want to meet the Green Deal goals, we have no choice. We have to include nuclear in the taxonomy,” Grudler told Euronews.
“The question is, do we want to meet the Green Deal goals? If we want to do it, we need decarbonised energy, like nuclear. The Commission said we need around 15% of nuclear in the energy mix in 2050 to meet the goal.”
On nuclear waste, the European lawmaker – who is member of French President Emmanuel Macron’s ‘La République En Marche!’ party – says people are working hard to find an answer to the problem. READ MORE...
Wednesday, February 2
INSULT TO TRUTH... Trudeau says...
Canada's Prime Minister Justin Trudeau has slammed protests in the capital city against Covid-19 vaccine mandates as "an insult to memory and truth".
Protestors are demonstrating for a third consecutive day over a cross-border vaccine mandate for truckers imposed by the Liberal government.
Ottawa police asked the public to avoid the downtown area on Monday, citing "traffic, noise and safety issues".
Some downtown stores, including a shopping mall, will also be closed.
Demonstrators at the so-called Freedom Convoy have been mostly peaceful but the behaviour of some members of the crowd has been strongly criticised.
Police have opened investigations into several reported incidents, including footage of a woman dancing on the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier at the National War Memorial.
Nazi symbolism was seen on protest signs, some likening Covid-19 health measures to Jews under Nazi persecution. Friends of Simon Wiesenthal Center for Holocaust Studies criticised the use of those symbols as "a heinous form of Holocaust distortion".
Mr Trudeau said: "Freedom of expression, assembly and association are cornerstones of democracy, but Nazi symbolism, racist imagery and desecration of war memorials are not." READ MORE...
Mr Trudeau said: "Freedom of expression, assembly and association are cornerstones of democracy, but Nazi symbolism, racist imagery and desecration of war memorials are not." READ MORE...
Whoopi Goldberg's Comments About The Holocaust
Whoopi Goldberg is facing a backlash after she said on a US talk show that the Holocaust "was not about race".
The actress and television personality said on ABC's The View that the Nazi genocide of the Jews involved "two groups of white people".
Critics pointed out that Hitler himself had vented his hatred of the Jews in racial terms. She later apologised.
The Nazis, who believed themselves an Aryan "master race", murdered six million Jews in the Holocaust.
'I survived two concentration camps'
The families who weren't meant to live
Holocaust row seethes as leaders gather in Israel
Monday's discussion was sparked by a Tennessee school board's ban of a graphic novel about Nazi death camps during World War Two.
Maus, which depicts Jews as mice and Nazis as cats, has won a number of literary awards.
The school board said it banned the book because its profanity, nudity and depiction of suicide was inappropriate for 13-year-olds.
Goldberg, a 66-year-old Oscar-winning actress who has been on The View since 2007, told her co-hosts: "I'm surprised that's what made you uncomfortable, the fact that there was some nudity.
"I mean, it's about the Holocaust, the killing of six million people, but that didn't bother you? READ MORE...
Civil War in Myanmar
Myanmar is seeing increasingly deadly battles between its military and organised groups of armed civilians, new data suggests. Many of those fighting the military are young people who have put their lives on hold since the junta seized power a year ago.
The intensity and extent of the violence - and the co-ordination of the opposition attacks - point to a change in the conflict from an uprising to a civil war.
Violence is now spread across the country, according to data from conflict monitoring group Acled (Armed Conflict Location and Event Data Project). Reports from the ground also suggest the fighting has become increasingly co-ordinated and has reached urban centres which have not previously seen armed resistance to the military.
Although precise death tolls are hard to verify, Acled - which bases its data on local media and other reports - has collated figures to suggest about 12,000 people have been killed in political violence since the military seized power on 1 February 2021. Clashes have grown deadlier month on month since August.
In the coup's immediate aftermath, most civilians died as security forces cracked down on nationwide demonstrations. Now, however, the rising death toll is a result of combat - as civilians have taken up arms - Acled figures show. READ MORE...
Tuesday, February 1
Toyota Heading to the Moon
TOKYO (AP) — Toyota is working with Japan’s space agency on a vehicle to explore the lunar surface, with ambitions to help people live on the moon by 2040 and then go live on Mars, company officials said Friday.
The vehicle being developed with the Japan Aerospace Exploration Agency is called Lunar Cruiser, whose name pays homage to the Toyota Land Cruiser sport utility vehicle. Its launch is set for the late 2020’s.
The vehicle is based on the idea that people eat, work, sleep and communicate with others safely in cars, and the same can be done in outer space, said Takao Sato, who heads the Lunar Cruiser project at Toyota Motor Corp.
“We see space as an area for our once-in-a-century transformation. By going to space, we may be able to develop telecommunications and other technology that will prove valuable to human life,” Sato told The Associated Press.
Gitai Japan Inc., a venture contracted with Toyota, has developed a robotic arm for the Lunar Cruiser, designed to perform tasks such as inspection and maintenance. Its “grapple fixture” allows the arm’s end to be changed so it can work like different tools, scooping, lifting and sweeping. READ MORE...
The Eastern Mediterranean Changing
Image courtesy of Aris Messinis / AFP
The American change of heart was ostensibly justified by the need to focus on clean energy sources and that this project did not align with Europe’s green energy plan.
Instead, Washington urged the countries to consider two alternative electricity transmission projects; the EuroAfrica interconnector intended to deliver electricity from Egypt through Cyprus and then onwards to Greece and Europe via Crete, and its sister EuroAsia project that starts in Israel and connects to Europe through Cyprus.
Instead, Washington urged the countries to consider two alternative electricity transmission projects; the EuroAfrica interconnector intended to deliver electricity from Egypt through Cyprus and then onwards to Greece and Europe via Crete, and its sister EuroAsia project that starts in Israel and connects to Europe through Cyprus.
Both projects integrate these countries’ electricity grids with Europe’s. The EastMed gas pipeline idea emerged after significant findings of gas deposits in the territorial waters of Cyprus, Egypt, and Israel.
The pipeline, which would have cost an estimated $6-7 billion, was seen by many as an unrealistic project given the potential changes in the European energy consumption patterns, its sheer complexity and cost and the financing needs. Chances were that it would not get off the ground much less be completed by 2025 as projected.
The US State Department withdrew support for the project through the delivery of a non-paper – an informal manner of expressing a government’s preferences or requirement without direct attribution. Presumably the content could have been delivered orally except that Washington may have tried to avoid a situation where its message was diluted.
The US State Department withdrew support for the project through the delivery of a non-paper – an informal manner of expressing a government’s preferences or requirement without direct attribution. Presumably the content could have been delivered orally except that Washington may have tried to avoid a situation where its message was diluted.
NATO Wants Ukraine
Russia‘s foreign minister claims that NATO wants to pull Ukraine into the alliance, amid escalating tensions over NATO expansion and fears that Russia is preparing to invade Ukraine.
In comments on state television Sunday, Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov also challenged NATO’s claim to be a purely defensive structure.
Russia’s massing of an estimated 100,000 troops near the border with Ukraine has brought increasingly strong warnings from the West that Moscow intends to invade. Russia in turn demands that NATO promise never to allow Ukraine to join the alliance, and to stop the deployment of NATO weapons near Russian borders and roll back its forces from Eastern Europe.
The head of Russia’s Security Council, Nikolai Patrushev, on Sunday rejected Western warnings about a planned invasion.
“At this time, they’re saying that Russia threatens Ukraine – that’s completely ridiculous,” he was quoted as saying by state news agency Tass. “We don’t want war and we don’t need it at all.”
Russia-Ukraine standoff: Lukashenko, Kyiv residents speculate about possibility of war'Russia has long resented NATO’s granting membership to countries that were once part of the Soviet Union or were in its sphere of influence as members of the Warsaw Pact. READ MORE...
Monday, January 31
Canada - Freedom Convoy
After a week-long drive across Canada, a convoy of big rigs has arrived in the national capital to protest vaccine mandates and Covid-19 measures. Organisers insist it will be peaceful, but police say they're prepared for trouble.
It's been dubbed the Freedom Convoy, and it's got the country talking.
The movement was sparked by a vaccine mandate for truckers crossing the US-Canada border, implemented by Prime Minister Justin Trudeau's Liberal government earlier this month.
Upset with the new measure that would require unvaccinated Canadian truckers crossing the two nations' boundary to quarantine once they've returned home, a loose coalition of truckers and conservative groups began to organise the cross-country drive that began in western Canada.
It picked up steam and gathered support as it drove east. Many supporters, already opposed to Mr Trudeau and his politics, have grown frustrated with pandemic measures they see as political overreach.
Social media and news footage showed trucks and companion vehicles snaking along highways, cheered on by people gathered on roadsides and overpasses, often waving Canadian flags and signs disparaging Mr Trudeau. READ MORE...
A Posturing North Korea
North Korea has conducted what is thought to be its biggest missile launch since 2017.
The weapon was apparently an intermediate range missile which reached an altitude of 2,000km before coming down in the Sea of Japan.
Japan, South Korea and the US have all condemned the launch, the seventh test this month.
The UN prohibits North Korea from ballistic and nuclear weapons tests, and has imposed strict sanctions.
But the East Asian state regularly defies the ban, and leader Kim Jong-un has vowed to bolster his country's defences.
Experts suggest multiple reasons lie behind the spate of launches, including political signalling of strength to global and regional powers, a desire by Kim Jong-un to pressure the US back into long-stalled nuclear talks and also the practical need to test out new engineering and military command systems.
The timing is also seen as significant, coming just before the Winter Olympics in China, and ahead of the South Korean presidential election in March.
And the tests have also surged as the faltering North Korean economy struggles under US-led sanctions, pandemic-related difficulties and decades of mismanagement.
South Korea reported that the launch took place at 07:52 local time on Sunday (22:52 GMT) off North Korea's east coast.
Japanese and South Korean officials estimated that the missile reached an altitude of 2,000km (1240 miles) and flew for 30 minutes to a distance of 800km (500 miles).
The United States called on North Korea to "refrain from further destabilising acts". READ MORE...
The United States called on North Korea to "refrain from further destabilising acts". READ MORE...
The Disillusionment of a Young Biden Official
January 28, 2022
In the spring of 2019, Andrea Flores, then a thirty-one-year-old associate at a law firm in Washington, D.C., received an e-mail from the head of an organization called National Security Action. Its mission sounded lofty and urgent, and also typical for the time: “advancing American global leadership” and “opposing the reckless policies of the Trump Administration.” What distinguished National Security Action was that it would soon become a laboratory for the Biden transition. Flores, who’d worked in the Obama White House, was seen as an expert on immigration and border policy. She was also still young by the standards of the profession. Consulting with National Security Action put her in élite company. “It exposed my ideas to a much broader group,” she told me. “Usually, you work in your field and share your ideas with mentors. I never thought to diversify in this way.”
Over the next year, she wrote position papers and participated in strategy sessions over conference calls. At one point, while sitting at home on a Zoom call with Madeleine Albright, it occurred to her that she might get a position in the next Presidential Administration. Last January, Joe Biden entered office having made concrete promises to humanize American immigration policy. Flores was hired as the director of border management on Biden’s National Security Council, an influential body that was traditionally white and male. For Flores, it was a source of pride to be one of the few high-ranking women of color. “There’s an expectation, too often, that all the Black and brown people go to domestic policy and that they don’t understand these other issues,” she said. “It was a dream role for me.”
Her first task was to fulfill one of Biden’s explicit promises on the campaign trail: to end a Trump-era policy called the Migrant Protection Protocols, or M.P.P., which had forced more than sixty thousand migrants to wait in Mexico after they applied for asylum at the border. In effect, migrants who had fled violence and poverty in their home countries had become stuck in some of the most dangerous parts of Mexico, where criminals and extortionists targeted them with impunity. During the next seven months, Flores orchestrated a process that allowed thirteen thousand migrants, many of whom had spent the better part of two years in makeshift encampments, to enter the U.S. “No one heard about it because it ran so smoothly,” an Administration official told me. Another White House official said, of the effort, “This was how government was supposed to work. Andrea was in charge, and it was beautiful to watch.”
But before Flores could finish the job she was called off. In August, 2021, a lawsuit filed by two Republican attorneys general reached a Trump-appointed federal judge, in Texas, who ordered the government to reinstate M.P.P. Biden’s Department of Justice appealed, and Alejandro Mayorkas, the Secretary of Homeland Security, reissued a memo laying out the case for terminating M.P.P. (It had “endemic flaws, imposed unjustifiable human costs, pulled resources and personnel away from other priority efforts, and failed to address root causes of irregular migration,” he has said.) But the effort was rebuffed in the conservative Fifth Circuit, and the Supreme Court declined to intervene. By the end of the year, D.H.S. had reinstated the policy. To Flores, the rush to comply seemed to betray a willingness on the part of the White House to reassert tough measures at the border. “Why launch it before you devise new and creative housing solutions for migrants?” Flores wondered. “Why launch it before you have a case-oversight mechanism?” (A White House spokesperson said it was “false and wrong” to imply that the Administration could have taken more time to deliberate. One of the Republican attorneys general, he said, had filed an additional motion “arguing that the Administration was not acting quickly enough.”)
Flores had already begun looking for work elsewhere. If she stayed at the White House after the court rulings, her new task would be reimplementing, rather than dismantling, a policy that she despised. Since the program was restarted, more than two hundred asylum seekers have been sent back to Mexico. Roughly ninety per cent of them are from Nicaragua, Venezuela, or Cuba. Other migrants are being expelled under a different Trump policy, called Title 42, which prevents people from applying for asylum altogether on the ground that they would pose a health risk during the pandemic. Public-health experts roundly oppose Title 42, but Biden has decided to leave it in place.
From the start of Biden’s Presidency, Republicans have accused him of being too lax at the border. Last year, as apprehensions by Border Patrol increased, the attacks intensified. Some White House officials began to question the political wisdom of the President’s agenda. Plans made during the transition to restart asylum processing at ports of entry were put on hold. At one point, the White House deputy chief of staff was tasked with conducting analyses of how much political fallout Biden could sustain if he angered his base on the issue.
This past fall, Flores left the Administration; other high-profile departures followed. According to three current and former Administration officials, the resistance to easing Trump-era restrictions came from the very top of the White House chain of command: Ron Klain, the chief of staff; Susan Rice, the head of the Domestic Policy Council; and Jake Sullivan, the national-security adviser. “None of them is an immigration expert,” one of the officials told me. “The immigration experts who were brought in—all those people are not the ones controlling the policy direction. That should tell you something right there. The ones who are at the highest level are political people.”
After Biden’s election, I tried multiple times to convince Flores to speak with me about the Administration’s immigration policy. I knew her only by reputation. During Trump’s final year in office, she worked at the American Civil Liberties Union, overseeing its portfolio on the border. Word that she was serving on Biden’s transition team generated optimism among sources I knew, who saw her role in the Administration as a sign that the President was serious about charting a new course. For the next ten months, though, Flores ignored me. We finally met only after she’d left the White House, for a wary drink at a tiki bar near the Capitol.
Flores is short, with dark, curly hair and a relaxed, extroverted manner. Her speech—casual, chatty—is inflected with the argot of the Washington policy circuit. (“There’s a big delta between the political expectations and the policy choices,” she told me, over a piña colada.) Her rationale for opening up was bittersweet. She’d recently started a job in the Senate, as the chief counsel to Bob Menendez, the New Jersey Democrat, which meant that she was no longer constrained from sharing her views. And yet the freedom of her job with Menendez—a senator with a respected track record on immigration policy and a reputation for outspokenness—was nevertheless a reminder of how far she now was from the levers of executive power.
Anyone working in public policy has to weigh a sense of principle against the realities of political influence. For Flores, striking that balance has defined her entire career. The daughter of a psychiatrist and an educator, both of whom are Mexican American, she grew up in the borderlands, in a small city in New Mexico called Las Cruces. She went east for college—to Harvard, where she became the first Latina to be elected student-body president—determined to return home and work in state politics. Her first job after graduation was for Harry Teague, a Democratic congressman and former oil executive who represented a conservative district in the southern half of the state. What Flores remembers most about her time there was how frequently she was pulled over and questioned by Border Patrol agents en route to work. READ MORE...
Over the next year, she wrote position papers and participated in strategy sessions over conference calls. At one point, while sitting at home on a Zoom call with Madeleine Albright, it occurred to her that she might get a position in the next Presidential Administration. Last January, Joe Biden entered office having made concrete promises to humanize American immigration policy. Flores was hired as the director of border management on Biden’s National Security Council, an influential body that was traditionally white and male. For Flores, it was a source of pride to be one of the few high-ranking women of color. “There’s an expectation, too often, that all the Black and brown people go to domestic policy and that they don’t understand these other issues,” she said. “It was a dream role for me.”
Her first task was to fulfill one of Biden’s explicit promises on the campaign trail: to end a Trump-era policy called the Migrant Protection Protocols, or M.P.P., which had forced more than sixty thousand migrants to wait in Mexico after they applied for asylum at the border. In effect, migrants who had fled violence and poverty in their home countries had become stuck in some of the most dangerous parts of Mexico, where criminals and extortionists targeted them with impunity. During the next seven months, Flores orchestrated a process that allowed thirteen thousand migrants, many of whom had spent the better part of two years in makeshift encampments, to enter the U.S. “No one heard about it because it ran so smoothly,” an Administration official told me. Another White House official said, of the effort, “This was how government was supposed to work. Andrea was in charge, and it was beautiful to watch.”
But before Flores could finish the job she was called off. In August, 2021, a lawsuit filed by two Republican attorneys general reached a Trump-appointed federal judge, in Texas, who ordered the government to reinstate M.P.P. Biden’s Department of Justice appealed, and Alejandro Mayorkas, the Secretary of Homeland Security, reissued a memo laying out the case for terminating M.P.P. (It had “endemic flaws, imposed unjustifiable human costs, pulled resources and personnel away from other priority efforts, and failed to address root causes of irregular migration,” he has said.) But the effort was rebuffed in the conservative Fifth Circuit, and the Supreme Court declined to intervene. By the end of the year, D.H.S. had reinstated the policy. To Flores, the rush to comply seemed to betray a willingness on the part of the White House to reassert tough measures at the border. “Why launch it before you devise new and creative housing solutions for migrants?” Flores wondered. “Why launch it before you have a case-oversight mechanism?” (A White House spokesperson said it was “false and wrong” to imply that the Administration could have taken more time to deliberate. One of the Republican attorneys general, he said, had filed an additional motion “arguing that the Administration was not acting quickly enough.”)
Flores had already begun looking for work elsewhere. If she stayed at the White House after the court rulings, her new task would be reimplementing, rather than dismantling, a policy that she despised. Since the program was restarted, more than two hundred asylum seekers have been sent back to Mexico. Roughly ninety per cent of them are from Nicaragua, Venezuela, or Cuba. Other migrants are being expelled under a different Trump policy, called Title 42, which prevents people from applying for asylum altogether on the ground that they would pose a health risk during the pandemic. Public-health experts roundly oppose Title 42, but Biden has decided to leave it in place.
From the start of Biden’s Presidency, Republicans have accused him of being too lax at the border. Last year, as apprehensions by Border Patrol increased, the attacks intensified. Some White House officials began to question the political wisdom of the President’s agenda. Plans made during the transition to restart asylum processing at ports of entry were put on hold. At one point, the White House deputy chief of staff was tasked with conducting analyses of how much political fallout Biden could sustain if he angered his base on the issue.
This past fall, Flores left the Administration; other high-profile departures followed. According to three current and former Administration officials, the resistance to easing Trump-era restrictions came from the very top of the White House chain of command: Ron Klain, the chief of staff; Susan Rice, the head of the Domestic Policy Council; and Jake Sullivan, the national-security adviser. “None of them is an immigration expert,” one of the officials told me. “The immigration experts who were brought in—all those people are not the ones controlling the policy direction. That should tell you something right there. The ones who are at the highest level are political people.”
After Biden’s election, I tried multiple times to convince Flores to speak with me about the Administration’s immigration policy. I knew her only by reputation. During Trump’s final year in office, she worked at the American Civil Liberties Union, overseeing its portfolio on the border. Word that she was serving on Biden’s transition team generated optimism among sources I knew, who saw her role in the Administration as a sign that the President was serious about charting a new course. For the next ten months, though, Flores ignored me. We finally met only after she’d left the White House, for a wary drink at a tiki bar near the Capitol.
Flores is short, with dark, curly hair and a relaxed, extroverted manner. Her speech—casual, chatty—is inflected with the argot of the Washington policy circuit. (“There’s a big delta between the political expectations and the policy choices,” she told me, over a piña colada.) Her rationale for opening up was bittersweet. She’d recently started a job in the Senate, as the chief counsel to Bob Menendez, the New Jersey Democrat, which meant that she was no longer constrained from sharing her views. And yet the freedom of her job with Menendez—a senator with a respected track record on immigration policy and a reputation for outspokenness—was nevertheless a reminder of how far she now was from the levers of executive power.
Anyone working in public policy has to weigh a sense of principle against the realities of political influence. For Flores, striking that balance has defined her entire career. The daughter of a psychiatrist and an educator, both of whom are Mexican American, she grew up in the borderlands, in a small city in New Mexico called Las Cruces. She went east for college—to Harvard, where she became the first Latina to be elected student-body president—determined to return home and work in state politics. Her first job after graduation was for Harry Teague, a Democratic congressman and former oil executive who represented a conservative district in the southern half of the state. What Flores remembers most about her time there was how frequently she was pulled over and questioned by Border Patrol agents en route to work. READ MORE...
Sunday, January 30
Nigerian Scifi
Nigerian Teenagers Are Making Slick Scifi Films With Their Smartphones
Someone should really snap up the rights for a movie about The Critics, a collective of self-taught teenage filmmakers from northwestern Nigeria.
The boys’ dedication, ambition, and no-budget inventiveness calls to mind other filmmaking fanatics, from the sequestered, homeschooled brothers of The Wolfpack to the fictional Sweding specialists of Me and Earl and the Dying Girl and Be Kind, Rewind.
While smartphones and free editing apps have definitely made it easier for aspiring filmmakers to bring their fantasies to fruition, it’s worth noting that The Critics saved for a month to buy the green fabric for their chroma key effects.
Their productions are also plagued with the internet and power outages that are a frequent occurrence in their home base of Kaduna, slowing everything from the rendering process to the Youtube visual effects tutorials that have advanced their craft.
To date they’ve filmed 20 shorts on a smart phone with a smashed screen, mounted to a broken microphone stand that’s found new life as a homemade tripod.
Their simple set up will be coming in for an upgrade, however, now that Nollywood director Kemi Adetiba has brought their efforts to the attention of a much wider audience, who donated $5,800 in a fundraising campaign. READ MORE...
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